After being teased as a “very controversial” performance by host LL Cool J, Kendrick Lamar hit the 2016 Grammy stage and did not disappoint. The rapper delivered the performance of the night, walking out as part of a chain gang to perform “The Blacker The Berry” with his band locked inside jail cells.
Lamar followed up the striking visuals by performing “Alright” in front of a giant bonfire, and transitioned into a never before heard song utilizing some fast action camera work, before ending the his performance with the word Compton over an image of Africa in one of the most striking performance to hit the Grammy stage in years. The songs, both off Lamar’s critically acclaimed sophomore album To Pimp A Butterfly speak directly to the modern day black experience in America, and his performance delivered that message home better than anyone could’ve hoped for.
To Pimp A Butterfly netted Lamar seven Grammy nominations this year (out of a total 11 nominations). Lamar took home four awards before the show began, and picked up another award for Best Rap Album at the beginning of the show. The project is up for Album of The Year, the last award of the night.
Supporters of former president Jean-Bertrand Aristide Photo courtesy of HaitiInfoProj
See also:Video footage of Aristide supporters just prior to assassination attempt. Video courtesy of Wendy Joseph Lerisse
Yesterday, there was an assassination attempt against former president Jean-BertrandAristide, Haiti’s first democratically elected president.President Aristide had been summoned to appear as a witness in a court case. While returning from court, his motorcade was attacked by armed Haitian police. A number of people were injured in the attack. Mass protests against the police broke out immediately.
In the wake of the electoral coup which installed Jovenal Moise, a right-wing protege of former president Michel Martelly, as Haiti’s new president, there has been a marked increase in repression directed against grassroots activists.
This attack on President Aristide signals a new stage of terror in Haiti. It harkens back to the days of the Duvalier dictatorships. Human rights activists and all supporters of democracy in Haiti need to condemn this attempted assassination and demand that those who committed this act be brought to justice.
Former president Jean-Bertrand Aristide greets thousands of supporters in Port-au-Prince 3-20-17 Photo courtesy of Getty Images
Hundreds of thousands of supporters of former president Jean-Bertrand Aristide and FANMI LAVALAS were in the streets today, protecting the former president from the murderous Brigade d’intervention Motorisee or (BIM) unit of the Haitian National Police, responsible for the 3/20/2017 assassination attempt on the former president’s life. Note that their uniforms say SWAT, just like the militarized police that kill Afrikans in the U.S. Photos are courtesy of the Haiti Information Project
Displaying their usual murderous arrogance, U.S./UN trained and supervised Haitian National Police Brigade d’intervention Motorisee (BIM) units attacked the motorcade and supporters of former president of Haiti, Jean-Bertrand Aristide in a blatant but failed assassination attempt.
According to eyewitness accounts and reports on Radio Timoun, the former president’s car was fired on as he responded to a fake court summons that we now know was a trap.
The court’s “invitation” was for former President Aristide to appear as a witness in a case that he has nothing to do with. The case in question appears to be a frame up of Jean Anthony Nazaire, one of the defenders of the national palace who was gravely wounded during the failed U.S. instigated, December 17, 2001, coup d’etat against President Aristide, led by the recently arrested drug running/money laundering, and fraudulently elected ex-senator Guy Phillipe.
There was a great deal of concern that the 10:00 a.m. Monday morning, 3/20/2017 court appearance, though innocently perceived, was a continuance of the state sanctioned persecution of President Aristide and FANMI LAVALAS.
There was therefore, a great deal of concern for the former president’s safety. Many suspected a nefarious purpose behind these repeated excuses to constantly drag him through Haiti’s (in)justice system. As it turns out – again – the instincts and experience of the people were true. As the former president’s car arrived, police opened fire into a huge crowd.
Massive protests against police are gathering in Port au Prince, Haiti in response to the attack on former president Aristide’s motorcade.
Reports are that several supporters and security guards were gravely injured.
FANMI LAVALAS is calling for calm and to avoid police.
Oct. 12 is the birthday of one of the most talented and promising young men martyred in the massive state repression against the Black Panther Party for Self Defense, Alprentice “Bunchy” Carter. Unlike Huey P. Newton, Bobby Seale, Eldridge Cleaver and George Jackson, Carter has almost been forgotten from the history of Africans in America except for diehards. Carter, then 26 (born Oct. 12, 1942), was assassinated on Jan. 17, 1969 in a Campbell Hall classroom at UCLA in Los Angeles.
The Lowndes County Freedom Organization (LCFO), also known as the Black Panther Party, was started in 1965 under the direction of Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) activist Stokely Carmichael. In 1965, Lowndes County in Alabama was 80% black but not a single black citizen was registered to vote. Carmichael arrived in the county to organize a voter registration project and from this came the LCFO. Party members adopted the black panther as their symbol for their independent political organization.
More than half of the African American population in Lowndes County lived below the poverty line. Moreover, white supremacists had a long history of extreme violence towards anyone who attempted to vote or otherwise challenge all-white rule. Lowndes County Freedom Organization members didn’t simply want to vote to place other white candidates in office. Instead they wanted to be able to vote for their own candidates.
White voters in Lowndes County reacted strongly to the LCFO. In many instances, whites evicted their sharecroppers, leaving many blacks homeless and unemployed. Whites also refused to serve known LCFO members in stores and restaurants. Small riots broke out with the local police often firing only on blacks during these confrontations. However, the LCFO pushed forward and continued to organize and register voters. In 1966, several LFCO candidates ran for office in the general election but failed to win. While their attempt was unsuccessful, the LCFO continued to fight and their goal and motto of “black power” spread outside of Alabama.
The movement spread all over the nation. Two black Californians, Huey P. Newton and Bobby Seale, asked for permission to use the black panther emblem that the Lowndes County Freedom Organization had adopted, for their newly formed Black Panther Party. The Oakland-based Black Panther Party became a much more prominent organization than the LCFO. Thus few people remember the origins of this powerful symbol with impoverished African Americans in a central Alabama County.
Sources:
Clayborne Carson, In Struggle: SNCC and the Black Awakening of the 1960s (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981); Evans D. Hopkins, Life After Life: AStory of Rage and Redemption (New York: Free Press, 2005); http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/45a/473.html.
Rebecca Woodham, Wallace Community College, Dothan, Alabama
Black Panther Logo
The Lowndes County Freedom Organization or Black Panther Party, was a short-lived political party that formed in 1966 to represent African Americans in the central Alabama Black Belt counties. Though the organization failed to win any election, its influence was felt far beyond Alabama by providing the foundation for the better-known Black Panther Party for Self-Defense that arose in Oakland, California. Known for years as “Bloody Lowndes,” the county had a well-deserved reputation for brutality and entrenched racism. Although the population was roughly 80 percent African American, no black resident had successfully registered to vote in more than 60 years, as the county was controlled by 86 white families who owned 90 percent of the land.
Stokely Carmichael
Stokely Carmichael, an organizer for the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and who had recently coined the phrase “Black Power,” was dispatched to Lowndes County to register voters in the summer of 1965. SNCC members were losing faith in the nonviolent approach taken by other civil rights organizations, namely the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), and Carmichael found Lowndes’ rural black population armed and willing to defend itself. Carmichael and other organizers, however, were able to register only about 250 African American voters by August 1965, each of whom were required to pass a literacy test. After the passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Act, which prohibited such measures to determine eligibility and provided enforcement provisions, the number of black voters increased, but so did white resistance and intimidation.
Carmichael was not the only one growing impatient that year. Local activist John Hulett was a founder and leader of the Lowndes County Christian Movement for Human Rights, and began seeking assistance from SNCC after being repeatedly refused help by the SCLC. Carmichael and other SNCC volunteers joined with Hulett’s fledgling organization, which was also trying to register black voters. The two groups redoubled their efforts following the murder of Jonathan Daniels, a white Episcopal seminarian and SNCC volunteer, on August 20. Given the extent of white resistance, however, group leaders doubted the effectiveness of trying to register blacks for the white-controlled Democratic Party. Instead, they formed a new, independent party at the county level; the Lowndes County Freedom Organization, and attempted to register as many black voters as possible. Hulett served as the LCFO’s first chairman.
Lowndes County Freedom Organization Headquarters
Alabama election laws required political parties to have an emblem so the new party chose a crouching black panther. Hulett explained that like a panther, Lowndes County African Americans had been pushed back into a corner and would come out “fighting for life or death.” The emblem was seized on by the media, and LCFO also came to be known as the Black Panther Party. Although the organization was, in theory, open to anyone, it became a de facto all-black organization, as no white voters wanted to join.
The new party hoped to get enough people to vote in the upcoming 1966 election that African Americans might be elected to office and assist the county’s impoverished black population. SNCC had always focused on education as a means of securing civil rights, and the LCFO followed suit. It organized political education classes and registration drives and published a booklet that informed citizens of the potential problems they could face if they registered. The LCFO experienced constant criticism from the Democratic Party, as well as the SCLC, which felt that blacks should vote in the Democratic primary. The recent decision of the Democratic Party to increase its filing fee for candidates to $500 solidified the activists’ resolve to form a completely new party, regardless of the criticism.
After much effort, more blacks were registered to vote than whites. The majority of these new voters, however, were sharecroppers, and they faced hostile responses from land-owning whites through evictions that left them homeless and unemployed. SNCC and LCFO leaders organized a “tent city” to house the displaced sharecroppers and helped them find new work and homes.
Stokely Carmichael Released from Jail
In May 1966, the party held its primary, with seven candidates vying for sheriff, coroner, tax assessor, and the board of education. Though both SNCC and LCFO continued to win the support of Lowndes County African Americans, the new party could not overcome the deeply entrenched racism of “Bloody Lowndes.” Each of the seven candidates lost in the general election in November of 1966, and many African Americans believed it resulted from plantation owners pressuring their black sharecroppers to vote for white candidates or not at all. After the election, SNCC organizers, including Carmichael, who went on to lead SNCC in 1966, gradually drifted out of Lowndes County. In 1970, the LCFO merged with the statewide Democratic Party, and former LCFO candidates won their first offices in the county. In that election, four years after the LCFO’s defeat, John Hulett was elected sheriff of Lowndes County, a position he would hold for 22 years, before serving three terms as probate judge of Lowndes County.
The spirit of the LCFO endured despite its defeat. Similar “freedom organizations” appeared across the country. The party’s slogan of “Black Power” also spread throughout the nation, and its black panther emblem was adopted by activists Bobby Seale and Huey Newton, a SNCC veteran in the Lowndes County effort, who together organized the Oakland-based Black Panther Party for Self-Defense in 1966. There was no formal relationship between the LCFO and the later organization, and Hulett and others resented the use of their symbol to represent an organization that encouraged the use of violence. The latter organization became much more well-known than the LCFO due to its openly militant rhetoric, but its foundation was the LCFO’s principles of self-empowerment and grass-roots activism.
Additional Resources
Carson, Clayborne. In Struggle: SNCC and the Black Awakening of the 1960s. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1981.
Cobb, Charles E. Jr. On the Road to Freedom: A Guided Tour of the Civil Rights Movement. Chapel Hill, N.C.: Algonquin Books, 2008.
The Lowndes County Freedom Organization, produced by the University of Alabama Center for Public Television and Radio, Tuscaloosa, Alabama.
Gaillard, Frye. Cradle of Freedom: Alabama and the Movement that Changed America. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2004.
Jeffries, Hasan K. Bloody Lowndes: Civil Rights and Black Power in Alabama’s Black Belt. New York: NYU Press, 2009.
On July 10, 1964, a group of African American men in Jonesboro, Louisiana led by Earnest “Chilly Willy” Thomas and Frederick Douglas Kirkpatrick founded the group known as The Deacons for Defense and Justice to protect members of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) against Ku Klux Klan violence. Most of the “Deacons” were veterans of World War II and the Korean War. The Jonesboro chapter organized its first affiliate chapter in nearby Bogalusa, Louisiana led by Charles Sims, A.Z. Young and Robert Hicks. Eventually they organized a third chapter in Louisiana. The Deacons tense confrontation with the Klan in Bogalusa was crucial in forcing the federal government to intervene on behalf of the local African American community. The national attention they garnered also persuaded state and national officials to initiate efforts to neutralize the Klan in that area of the Deep South.
The Deacons emerged as one of the first visible self-defense forces in the South and as such represented a new face of the civil rights movement. Traditional civil rights organizations remained silent on them or repudiated their activities. They were effective however in providing protection for local African Americans who sought to register to vote and for white and black civil rights workers in the area. The Deacons, for example, provided security for the 1966 March Against Fear from Memphis to Jackson, Mississippi. Moreover their presence in Southeastern Louisiana meant that the Klan would no longer be able to intimidate and terrorize local African Americans without challenge.
The strategy and methods that the Deacons employed attracted the attention and concern of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), which authorized an investigation into the group’s activities. The investigation stalled, however, when more influential black power organizations such as US and the Black Panther Party emerged after the 1965 Watts Riot. With public attention, and the attention of the FBI focused elsewhere, the Deacons lost most of their notoriety and slowly declined in influence. By 1968 they were all but extinct. In 2003 the activities of the Deacons was the subject of a 2003, “Deacons for Defense.”
Sources:
Lance Hill, The Deacons for Defense: Armed Resistance and the Civil Rights Movement (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004); Deacons for Defense and Justice in Africanaonline.
This is a very important speech. Please read the background information below because the speech is not in English and the information shows some of the depths that the U.S. government will go to in order to demonize Haiti. — Malaika H Kambon
Uploaded on Jan 30, 2011
Also watch Kevin Pina’s latest documentary “Haiti: We Must Kill the Bandits”: http://bit.ly/eWFDLd
Few Haitians, scholars and historians have had the opportunity to hear and study the full speech of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide on September 27, 1991. The speech was mired in controversy after Raymond Joseph, current Haitian ambassador to Washington D.C. but then Publisher of the right-wing newspaper Haiti Observateur, released a slanted translation. The translation was circulated by Ellen Cosgrove, the political officer of the U.S. Embassy in 1991, to the international press as proof that Aristide supported “pe lebrun” or necklacing with burning tires doused with gasoline. Other translators and scholars have criticized Joseph and the U.S. for that slant countering that Aristide’s reference to “tool” and “smell” were colorful Kreyol metaphors describing Haiti’s constitution. They say this only becomes clear when heard in the context of the entire speech.
The political context of the speech is equally important as it follows an attempt by the Duavlierists and Roger Lafontant to overthrow Aristide’s government in a coup only three months earlier. Aristide was caught between plots by Duvalierists aligned with Haiti’s wealthy elite and the violent reaction and impulses of the Haitian masses to decades of brutal repression known as dechoukaj.
The military coup that overthrew Aristide began on September 29, 1991, two days after he delivered this speech. The Joseph translation of the speech was handed out by Ellen Cosgrove to the press on October 7, 1991 during a visit by the Organization of American States (OAS) to Haiti.
This speech would be referred to many times, including in the present context, to justify keeping Aristide out of politics and the violent repression of Haiti’s poor masses represented by the Lavalas movement.
Kevin Pina and the Haiti Information Project (HIP) now offer for history the complete unedited speech in Kreyol as it was videotaped that day in Sept. 1991.
From a news item published in this newspaper last week we learned that another attempt is underway in the United States Congress to have Jamaica’s first National Hero Marcus Garvey pardoned of federal mail theft.
The move is being led by Congresswoman Yvette Clarke (of Jamaican origin) and Congressmen Charlie Rangel and John Conyers. Rangel is no stranger to Jamaica and, indeed, has been guest speaker at several public functions on the island, including the St Ann Homecoming and Heritage Foundation, an advocate for Garvey’s exoneration…..
Family, beginning June 17 I will begin my Summer 2016 Facebook course. It is called Fundamentals of African History with Runoko Rashidi.
All are welcome. The classes, taught through text, photos and videos, begin at 9:00 pm United States Eastern Standard Time and last approximately 2.5 hours per class. The classes, of which there will be twelve, are interactive, meaning there is ample time for questions and answers and discussion. The course project, completely voluntary, is to compile a succinct timeline of the history of African rebellions and resistance movements, at home and abroad.
The complete cost of the course is only $50.00 per household. The total amount is used to help subsidize our ongoing efforts to rewrite and reconstruct the global history of African people. The course will be taught on a special Facebook page set up specifically for this purpose.
To pay your $50.00 tuition post via Paypal to Runoko@hotmail.com. You will be immediately notified upon receipt of payment and enrolled in the course.
No special equipment is required. You only need a Facebook account.
The contents of each class will remain posted throughout the duration of the course if you cannot participate live.
Here are the individual course sessions. I reserve the right of course to make revisions to the course.
Indigenous and Non-Indigenous: Who is the Original Man?
The Golden Age of the Olmec
The Moors in History
The Great Kings and Queens of Ancient Egypt
The Black Presence in Southeast Asia
African Revolts and Resistance
A Journey through the African Collections in the Louvre
A Journey through the African Collections in the British Museum
A Journey through the African Collections in the Museums of Germany
A Journey through the African Collections in the Museums of Italy
In the wake of the failure and collapse of the U.S. imposed dictatorship of Michel Martelly in Haiti, and as conservatives from the U.S. to the U.K. are being investigated for fraudulent electoral practices, the grassroots people of Haiti continue to escalate their fight for liberation, solidarity and dignity. Rocking the streets with “Nou pap obeyi!” illegitimate officials imposed by foreign colonizers, Haitians have fought on all levels to return governance of Haiti to its people.
Massive pro-democracy rebellion to continue until Martelly leaves office. His term of office is up on February 7, 2016.
Port au Prince, Jan 30 (Prensa Latina) The rejection to the international mediating for overcoming the internal crisis focuses today the theme of opposition protests taking place in Haiti.
Photos from Dr Maryse Narcisse & Haiti Information Project
In the attached statement, written right before the postponement of the January 24th presidential “run-off” election, 68 grassroots organizations in Haiti issue an urgent call for solidarity with their struggle for free and fair elections, dignity and justice.
The statement was written as tens of thousands of Haitians have taken to the streets – braving assassination, tear gas, beatings, and police torture – demanding the annulment of the fraudulent elections that gave the lead positions in the legislative and presidential races to the hand-picked candidates of President Michel Martelly.
The postponement of the presidential election was a dramatic and hard-won victory for the people’s movement, which had insisted that no election take place until it could be free and fair and democratic.
The struggle for the right to vote and for all Haitians to participate in the political process continues.
“WE WILL NOT OBEY” / “NOU PAP OBEYI” A Call for Solidarity from Haiti’s Popular Movement
Reflecting on the voting rights struggle led by Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. and so many
other courageous fighters for justice fifty years ago in the US; on the one person one vote struggle led by Mandela’s comrades in South Africa; reflecting on struggles everywhere, we came to the conclusion that a people can’t be sovereign if they don’t have the right
to vote. No people can retain their dignity if their vote does not count. As clearly stated by President Aristide: “If we don’t protect our dignity, our dignity will escape us!” That is why we struggle and ask that people the world over with a history of struggle stand in solidarity with us.
Six years after the earthquake that jolted the country, causing the death of hundreds of thousands of Haitians, we, Haitian organizations, in the context of reflection, take our hats off and humbly say to the people all over the planet who opened their hearts to us, “We have not forgotten your acts of solidarity”. The sharing impulse manifested by people the world over, should have helped the Haitian people to rebuild their environment, rebuild their lives. Pity! To this day, the people’s lot has not changed. Adding insult to injury, shameless characters, local slave owners, empowered by
various international organizations, hijacked the reconstruction funds.
Right after the earthquake, the internationals took advantage of our momentary state
of helplessness to occupy the political space. Today, the Haitian people are engaged in
an all out struggle to reclaim that space and to exercise their right to vote. The very ones who hijacked the reconstruction money want to prevent the people from choosing their
government, in a wide scale conspiracy to continue the looting of the country’s resources. Subsequent to many schemes designed to remove the people from the political equation, local colonialists joined forces with international colonialists to force the people to accept choices against their best interests. Illegitimate officials implemented urban removal plans and land grabs, assaulting both the middle-class, as well as the poorer classes, putting the country on the brink of collapse. The people’s resistance slowed down the “terror apparatus,” preventing it from completing this program. Now they want to put more false officials at the helm of the government to continue their assault.
The blatant violence perpetrated in Ile-a-Vache, the hideous massacres perpetrated on the people of Arcahaie, the continuous massacre of the people of Cité Soleil because they manifest a will to vote, various acts of aggression perpetrated throughout the country, in the context of land-grab or voter suppression, convince the Haitian people that they are in a fight for their very existence. We say NO, WE WILL NOT OBEY ILLEGITIMATE OFFICIALS. Self-defense is a legitimate universal law. Civil-Disobedience is an accepted universal right when a people confronts an illegal regime.The right to elect a government is universally accepted as a way for people to protect its existence. Today,
confronted by the danger presented by local and international colonialists, the Haitian people have started a RESISTANCE FOR EXISTENCE movement. They ask for people
to people solidarity from everywhere on the planet. The local and international colonialists plan is not an earthquake, yet it has caused far more damage to the country.
Our experience of the six years since the earthquake is no different than the experience
of other small countries with natural and human resources. The internationals loot, have an orgy, while the international media turns a blind eye to lies spread by “their” ambassadors in their country’s name. The Haitian army, now being rebuilt to oppress the people, is a gift to the Haitian people by the Organization of American States (OAS). The Cholera epidemic and the blood thirsty and corrupt Haitian Police, were United Nations (UN) gifts to the Haitian people. The Media is mute, as the country nears total collapse. We say NO, WE WILL NOT OBEY. We will not dig our own graves. We’d rather tell the truth and expose the conspiracy.
VWA OGANIZASYON ANNDAN AYITI
Nan refleksyon n fè sou lit pou vòt Dr. Martin Luther King te fè ozetazini sa gen 50 lane; nan lit “one man one vote” kanmarad Mandela yo te mennen an Afrikdisid; nan refleksyon sou lit divès lòt pèp, nou wè pa gen pèp ki souvren si yo pa gen dwa vòt yo. Pa
gen pèp ki gen diyite si vòt yo pa konte. Jan Prezidan Aristide di: “Si nou pa sove diyite n, diyite n ap sove kite n!” Se sa k fè n ap lite e nou mande solidarite tout pèp ki konn lite pou dwa vòt yo.
Sis lane apre goudougoudou ki te sakaje peyi an, kote plizyè santèn milye Ayisyen mouri, noumenm, òganizasyon Ayisien, nan kad refleksyon nou, n ap mete chapo n byen ba pou n di pèp toupatou sou planèt lan ki te louvri kè yo ban nou, nou pa bilye zak solidarite yo. Elan pataj pèp tout kote te manifeste, te dwe ide pèp Ayisyen rekonstwi anvironman
yo, rekonstwi lavi yo. Domaj! Jouk jounen jodi a, kondisyon pèp lan pa chanje. Ki di plis, zago loray yo, kolon lokal yo, met tèt ansanm ak divès òganizasyon entènasyonal pou fè dappiyanp sou kòb rekonstriksyon an.
Entènasyonal lan pwofite moman Pèp lan dezanpare an pou l okipe espas politik lan. Jounen jodi a, se gwo batay pou pèp Ayisyen ka ekzèse dwa vòt li. Sila yo ki fè dappiyanp sou èd lan vle anpeche pèp lan chwazi moun li vle pou dirije peyi an, nan kad yon gwo konplo pou yo kontinye koupe rache resous peyi a. Apre divès magouy ki wete pèp
lan nan ekwasyon politik lan, kolon lokal mete ak kolon entènasyonal pou foure yon remèd chwal nan gòjèt pèp lan. Fo reprezan ak dirijan, vini ak yon plan deposesyon ki agrese klas mwayèn ak sa k pi pòv yo, jouk peyi an vanse depafini. Rezistans pèp lan ralanti avansman machin laterè a, anpeche l deposede popilasyon an nèt ale, sa ki fòse
yo setoblije rapouswiv ak you lòt fo gouvèlman remèd chwal ankò.
Ekzanp maspinay gouvèlman an fè nan kad deposesyon ilavach, zak maspinay sou moun Akayè, zak maspinay ki pa janm sispan pou pini moun Site Solèy pase yo vle vote, divès zak maspinay ki fèt toupatou nan peyi an nan kad vòlò tè oubyen vòlò vòt, pèp Ayisyen sèten li nan yon lit inevitab pou ekzistans li. Nou di NON, NOU PAP OBEYI FO DIRIJAN. Dwa lejitim defans, se dwa tout moun genyen pou pwoteje tèt yo. Dwa reziste lòd ilegal, se dwa tout pèp genyen pou pwoteje tèt li. Dwa chazi dirijan l, se dwa tout pèp genyen pou pwoteje tèt li. Jounen jodi a, anfas danje kolon lokal ak kolon entènasyonal yo, pèp
Ayisyen antame yon REZISTANS POU EKZISTANS. Yo mande solidarite tout pèp sou la tè. Plan malfektè kolon lokal ak kolon blan yo se pa goudougoudou, men l kraze peyi an pi mal pase goudougoudou.
Eksperyans n ap fè depi si zan goudougoudou an pa diferan ak sa pèp ti peyi ki gen resous fè. Entènasyonal ap piye, ap banbile, pandan medya yo fèmen je yo, sou manti anbasadè ap fè sou non pèp. Lame k pare pou kraze zo pèp lan, se òganizasyon eta Ameriken ki bannou l. Kolera ak lapolis sanginè kowonpi an, se loni k bannou l. Medya bèbè, pandan
peyi a ap depafini. Nou di NON, NOU PAP OBEYI. Nou pap fouye pwòp twou tonb nou. N ap di laverite, met kaka chat lan deyò. n
OGANIZASYON KI SIYEN MESAJ SA A / LIST OF SIGNERS
Action Nationale des Chauffeurs (ANC)
Aide Humanitaire
Alternative Syndicale pour le Transport Moderne (ASTM)
APMS: Action des Paysans de Masson Sion
APTN: Association pour le Développement Terre Noire
Association Professionelle des Enseignants Haitiens pour l’Avancement de l’Education (APEAE)
APSAB: Association Planteur Savane Dubois
Asosiyasyon Fanm Senlwidisid (AFS)
Asosiyasyon Fanm Vanyan Okay (AFVO)
Asosiyasyon Machann Aken (AMA)
Asosiyasyon Peyizan Gwomaren (APG)
BPN (Baz Popile Nord)
Baz Fanmi Lavalas Aken
Baz Fanmi Lavalas Anike
CEGBD
CHANJE LESON
CURO: Comité Usager Rodaille
COSCOB
CRCSPFL (Cellule de Reflexions des Cadres Socio Professionnels de Fanmi Lavalas)
CUREH (Cercle Universitaire pour le Renouveau d’Haiti)
DEMELE FANM
G.R. (Gwoup Refleksyon)
FAJEP (Fanm an Aksyon pou Jistis ak Pwogre)
FANM LENTO
FANM WOZO
FASA
Groupe Alternative pour Petites et Moyennes Entreprises (GRAPME)
Gwoupman Plante Senlwidisid (GPS)
JOFAP
Baz Fanmi Lavalas Kanperen
Baz Fanmi Lavalas Kavayon
Kodinasyon Peyizan Sid (KPS)
KPDS (Konbit Planteur pou Devlopman Sanyago)
KORE MAP KORE W
Le PHARE
Baz Fanmi Lavalas Maniche
MOFUP
MOJIDMA: Mouvement des Jeunes Intègres pour le Développement de Marigot
Mouvement d’Opposition Citoyenne (MOC)
Mouvman Tet Kole Kavayon (MTKK)
OBMP
Oganizasyon Devlopman Solon (ODS)
Oganizasyon Fanm Vanyan (OFAV)
OGANIZASYON LEVE KANPE
OJFS
Baz Fanmi Lavalas Okay
Organisation 30 Septembre
OPG: Organisation Paysan de Grande Rivière
Organisation Sans Bloff (OSB)
OPDPS: Òganizasyon Pou Devlopman Peyizan Sarazin
OPPB: Organisation Paysan Platon Blan
Plateforme Nationale des Syndicats de Transports Fidele (PNSTF)
POGRES (Oganizasyon Planteur pou Devlopman Sanyago)
Baz Fanmi Lavalas Port Salut
Pou Solèy Leve
Regroupement des Enseignants Normalien Haitien (RENOH)
RFDP (Rasanbleman Fanm pou Devlopman Petitans)
Rasanbleman Militan Pwogresis (RMP)
RASSINE (Rasanbleman Sitwayen NORD AK NORD EST)
SDDC (Societe d’Encadrement pour le Developpement Communautaire)
Baz Fanmi Lavalas Senlwidisid
Solidarite Jenn Kavayon (SJK)
SOPU- FANM pou FANM
S.O.S Transport Federee
Baz Fanmi Lavalas Tibiron
Baz Fanmi Lavalas Torbec
Union du Mouvement Syndical de Transport Public (UMSTP)
UJDSB:Union des Jeunes pour le Developpement Savane du Bois.
To those of us who were alive and sentient, the name Huey P. Newton evokes an era of mass resistance, of Black popular protest and of the rise of revolutionary organizations across the land. To tho…
It is history that very few people know, stated from the unique vantage point of the writer being internationally acclaimed as a journalist, as an active member of the Black Panther Party for Self Defense, and as someone who knew Dr. Huey P Newton. I am particularly fond of and recommend highly Dr. Newton’s book “War Against the Panthers: A study of Repression in America.”
The article is also written while the writer is entombed and fighting for his life against another of the U.S. government’s state sanctioned and concerted attempts at his assassination, this time, via medical neglect.
It is also informative to note that Dr. Newton earned a Ph.D. in social philosophy at the University of California at Santa Cruz in 1980.[45] and that his book, “War Against the Panthers: A Study of Political Repression in America,” was first presented as his doctoral dissertation, entitled by the same name, before it was published in book form.
Another interesting essay to read by Dr. Huey P Newton is his essay on the Melvin van Peebles movie, “Sweet Sweet Back’s Bad Ass Song.” The essay is difficult to find, but he devoted an entire issue of the Black Panther Party Newspaper to his 1971 critique, in which he said in part that Sweetback was a cultural reflection of the same types of political ideas that the Panthers championed, suggested that the movie was the “first truly revolutionary black film,” and made Sweetback required viewing for members of the Black Panther Party.
According to Wikipedia, Dr. Newton devoted “an entire issue of The Black Panther to the film’s revolutionary implications,[2][16] celebrated and welcomed the film as “the first truly revolutionary Black film made […] presented to us by a Black man.”[17] Newton wrote that Sweetback “presents the need for unity among all members and institutions within the community of victims,” contending that this is evidenced by the opening credits which state the film stars “The Black Community,” a collective protagonist engaged in various acts of community solidarity that aid Sweetback in escaping. Newton further argued that “the film demonstrates the importance of unity and love between Black men and women,” as demonstrated “in the scene where the woman makes love to the young boy but in fact baptizes him into his true manhood.”[17]
“….Despite polling data and human rights organizations’, media and eyewitness reports of massive fraud in the October 25th Haitian Presidential and Legislative election (see article), the OAS and US State Department has now refused Haitians’ demands to invalidate the election – the US poured at least $30 million of tax payers’ money into this fraudulent election….” Globel Women’s Strike
The U.S. State Department and the OAS is attempting to rig this 2015-16 election in the same way that they rigged the 2010 Haitian (s) election that saw Hillary Clinton catapult dictator-despot Michel Martelly into the Haitian presidential seat.
“CEP Chair Pierre Opont admitted last July that the US “rigged the 2010 election.” Haiti Still Marching to Overturn Stolen Election, by Dave Welsh
Haitian FANMI LAVALAS supporter(s) have been literally stomped to death by Michel Martelly’s Ecuadorian trained militarized police for voting for Dr. Maryse Narcisse of FANMI LAVALAS
The U.S. government is not only attempting to silence and assassinate Mumia Abu Jamal via mediclal neglect, but has also shut down the Prison Radio web site.
However truth will not be silenced. And to quote Mumia: “When a child dies, adults do not deserve to breathe their stolen air.”
Latin America’s largest nation is also one of the world’s deadliest. And, just like in the US, violence in Brazil disproportionately affects young, non-white men. Now activists are fighting to draw attention to the problem of killings of young black Brazilian men, frequently by police. One of the leading local movements is Amnesty International’s “Jovem Negro Vivo,” meaning “Young Black Alive.”
(It should be noted that Brazil is leading the 9000 troop UN MINUSTAH forces that have invaded and have been occupying and terrorizing the people of Haiti since the 2004 U.S.-France-Canada instigated coup d’etat that toppled the twice democratically elected government of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. They are not peacekeepers, they are death dealers, bringing everything from vicious militarized police terrorism to rape to cholera to the struggling people of Haiti. 97% of the population wants the Brazilian led MINUSTAH forces to leave Haiti. The U.S. doesn’t want them to leave, so their stay keeps getting ‘extended.’)
Tensions are rising as the San Francisco Police Department attempts to justify the fatal shooting of Mario Woods, a 26-year-old black San Francisco resident, and black community members insist the »
Artist, activist and educator Ras Ceylon discusses the recent sentencing of Malcolm Shabazz’s killers and the many misconceptions about the life and work of Malcolm X’s grandson.
Tensions are rising as the San Francisco Police Department attempts to justify the fatal shooting of Mario Woods, a 26-year-old black San Francisco resident, and black community members insist the »
Malaika H Kambon 
Haiti Action Committee Denounces the Attempted Assassination of Former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide
3-21-2017
See also: Video footage of Aristide supporters just prior to assassination attempt. Video courtesy of Wendy Joseph Lerisse
Yesterday, there was an assassination attempt against former president Jean-Bertrand Aristide, Haiti’s first democratically elected president. President Aristide had been summoned to appear as a witness in a court case. While returning from court, his motorcade was attacked by armed Haitian police. A number of people were injured in the attack. Mass protests against the police broke out immediately.
In the wake of the electoral coup which installed Jovenal Moise, a right-wing protege of former president Michel Martelly, as Haiti’s new president, there has been a marked increase in repression directed against grassroots activists.
This attack on President Aristide signals a new stage of terror in Haiti. It harkens back to the days of the Duvalier dictatorships. Human rights activists and all supporters of democracy in Haiti need to condemn this attempted assassination and demand that those who committed this act be brought to justice.
Haiti Action Committee
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March 21, 2017 | Categories: Adults, Africa, AFRIKAN, Afrikan History, Black Lives Matter, Black Media, Caribbean, Caribbean, Children, CIA, COINTELPRO, Commentary, Community outrage, Culture, Education, FANMI LAVALAS, Film, Haiti, Haiti: We Must Kill the Bandits, Haitian, Haitian, Human Rights, Independent Black Media, International Law, Law, Media, Militarized police, Military, Paramilitarism and the Assault on Democracy in Haiti, Police brutality, Police Brutality, predictive policing, predictive policing, Racism, Revolutionary Freedom, Serious2020, terrorism, Uncategorized, War against Afrikans, Weaponry | Tags: Assassination attempt, BIM, Duvalier, Duvalier dictatorships, electoral coup d'etat, Getty Images, Haiti, Haiti Action Committee, Haiti Information Project, Haitian National Police, Human rights, human rights activists, Jovenel Moise, mass protests, Michel Martelly, militarized police, Port au Prince, President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, terrorism, trap, UN/U.S. controlled police, video, Wendy Joseph Lerisse | Leave a comment